BY
BADMUS NADWI OLAWALE ABDUL AZEEZ
ABSTRACT
The tafsīr of the Qur’ān is one of the most important aspects of Islamic studies taught in order to make the message of the Qur’ān well understood. This article is an attempt to throw light on the advent and growth of the science of tafsīr generally in Nigeria, with emphasis on its activities as well as the mode of acquiring it and some celebrated scholars in the field in different part of Nigeria. As translation of the Qur’ān into other language could be considered as tafsīr or explanation of it, this paper also includes efforts made in translating the Qur’ān into local dialects to disseminate its message. The study is based on descriptive approach through exploring the primary and secondary sources. Data collected through interview are discussed and analyzed for logical conclusion. The study showcased the amount of effort put in place by the Nigerian Muslim scholars to disseminate the message of the Qur’ān. According to this study, the translating of the Qur’ān into local language is one of the ways by which the Muslim scholars have contributed to the service of Islam. It is suggested that the scholars should write a translation of the Qur’ān that would include some adequate tafsīr or commentary of the Qur’ān as the available translations are not adequate for proper understanding of the Qur’ān by the people in the area of this study.
Introduction
Muslims all over the world, as a matter of requirement need the in-depth knowledge of the Qur’ān, so as to put its teaching into practice. It was reported that the companion used to ask the Prophet (S.A.W) about the meaning of some words and statements that were not clear in the Qur’ān, even though they were Arabs and the Qur’an was revealed in their native tongue.
This article intends to cover the activities of tafsīr in the Hausaland and Yorubaland along with the activities of translation of the Qur’ān in the southern part of Nigeria occupied by the Yoruba speaking Muslims where the translation activities are believed to be wider than any other places in the country.
HISTORICAL BACKGROUND
Islam in Nigeria
The central bilād al-Sūdān came into the main focus of Islamic history as early as the 19th century C.E when great Kingdom of Kānem embraced Islam. The history of Islam in the central bilād Sūdān from the time of its islamization was basically the history of the Kingdom of Kanem under the Sayfawa dynasty.
During the time of Mai Ummi Julmi who owned the throne of Kanem in 1096 C.E there had been a sizable number of Muslims population in Kanem to struggle for the course of Islam and its political development in the area. It was Mai Hummi that declares Islam as the state religion. The islamizaton of the state by then was the wish of the people rather than that of the ruling class.1 Islam continued to advance, flourish and establish itself with the migration of the Sayfawa Dynasty from their base in Kanem to the present Bornu state where they ruled from 1470-1808 C.E caring with them the flag of Islam to the extent that they were regarded as rivals of Mamluk Sultans in Egypt in every remification.2
Efforts of Muslim scholars in Bornu empire were geared towards Arabic calligraphy and memorization of the Qur’ān rather than writing works on tafsīr and translation of the Qur’ān.
Since the Qur’ān was revealed in a pure Arabic tongue “Bilisānin-‘Arabiyyin-Mubīn”3 and most of the adherent of Islam are non Arabs and the religion has to be communicated to them to avail them to understanding of it, the need to translate and interpret the Book became imminent.
The example of this is a Hadith related by Bukhari and Muslim that when verse 82 of chapter 6 of the Qur’ān was revealed, the Sahābah (companions of the Prophets) went to the Prophet (S.A.W) asking for the meaning of the word zulm wrong doing in the verse for which the Prophet reported to have said : it is not as you comprehend it, the wrong doings here is this verse in tantamount to that which in the statement of God: “Verily to associate any partner with God is most grievous wrong doing”.4
Tafsīr: Meaning and Definition
Literature Review
The etymological meaning of the word tafsīr is derived from its verbal root fasara from which the double-tripartite word fassara was also derived. The verbal noun of it is ‘tafsīr. The word fasara gives the meaning of exposure and discovery, while tafsīr means to expose the meaning of a problematic word or expression. It is also said that fasara is to remove a cover of something, while fassara is to discover the meaning of a word or expression that is problematic.5
According to some linguists, fasara is a capsized form of safara which means exposure “Safarat al-mar’ah. ‘The woman who exposed her face by removing the veil and they say: ‘ima’atun sāfiratun’ for a woman who exposes her face.6
It was also reported by al-Ragib al-Asfahāni that the word fasara and safara have similar expression and meaning, the former is implicit while latter is explicit. The word “tafsīr” in its noun form is mentioned in the Qur’ān in the above meaning.7
Technically, “tafsīr” has been given various definitions, among which is a science that teaches the exegesis of the word of the Qur’ān and its meaning, its single and cumulative rulings, and the implied meaning of the arrangement and other complements. Tafsīr, according to az- Zarkashi is the science through with which the Book of Allah is understood, as well as the explanation of its meanings and the inference of its rulings and wisdom.8
It is also defined as the science with which research is carried out about the conditions of the Qur’ān as regards the aims of Allah according to the ability of man.9
Ta’wīl is another word that has similar connotation with tafsīr. Its root word is awwala which means to trace back, manipulation, explanation and interpretation. It is as if the mu’awwil is manipulating the meaning of the Qur’ān by tracing it back to what certain words or expressions could originally mean.
The later generation of scholars considered ta,wīl as changing of the word or expression of the Qur’ān from it outer meaning to inner or obscure meaning because of a condition that warrants that, otherwise such ta,wīl is null and void.10
They also differed in explaining the meaning and difference between “tafsīr” and “ta,wīl”. This difference of opinion emerged from the way the word ta,wīl is used by the Qur’ān itself. According to the first generation of scholars, ta,wīl is synonyms of tafsīr while others say tafsīr is generally used for playing explanation of words and expression, while ta,wīl is meant for inner meaning, they also say that tafsīr is used for meaning of words while ta,wīl is used for the meaning of expression such as when we give the meaning of Bahīrah, Sāibah and wāsilah, it is tafsīr, likewise in specializing an action such as : aqīmū salāt wa ātū zakāt, the explanation of this is tafsīr, likewise if the expression needs a story to explain it, such as the one in sūrat taobah: 37 and Baqarah :189. But ta’wīl sometimes, is used generally and at another time is used specially such as the word kufur and īmān which are used specifically in believing and disbelieving in God and also used for accepting and rejecting generally.
According to al-Alosi, tafsīr is the explanation of the meaning derived from the expression of a given verse and he saw ta,wīl as a hidden meaning of the verse that could only be brought out by intuition.11According to dhahabi, tafsīr is what relies on tradition, while ta,wīl is an explanation based on opinion.12
One thing is certain here, the words tafsīr and ta,wīl are not the same in meaning as we have seen, but weather someone explains Qur’ān traditionally or based on opinion with all of its diversities, all what he wants to do is to explain words or expressions of the Qur’ān and that is generally tafsīr, that means the word tafsīr is general while ta,wīl is special.
Translation
Translation is believed to have historically evolved after the appearance of written literature. It is regarded as the communication of the meaning of source language texts by means of equivalent target language texts. (Namit 1992; Cohen 1986). The word ‘translation’ is said to have been derived from the Latin word trans-fero or tratum which means: “to carry across or to bring across” which could be carried out through metaphrase, literal or word for word translation or through paraphrase or “saying it in other words” approaches. The former is also referred to as formal equivalence and the latter as dynamic equivalence. (Kasparek, 1983). These two methods are believed to be indispensable in the art of translation of any work and so translators had to put this in mind in order to make a judicious blending of the two types of translations in the two languages involved. According to Roger Bacon, if translation would be a successful one, the translator must know the source and the target languages as well as the science he intends to translate. This is an unfulfilled condition in which most of the translators found themselves. (Goldstone, 2006).
Attributes of Translation
According to experts, translation has two distinct attributes of fidelity and transparency, therefore, it should be faithful or beautiful, it is faithful if it accurately renders the meaning of the original text without distortion and transparent if it favours the target language and the audience more than the source language and the subject matter, as Eugene Nida stated that functional and formal equivalence that are equal to paraphrasing and metaphrasing respectfully was invented to translate the Bible and that this method could also be adopted for any other translation.
The two methods may be combined by a translator as he may also choose any of the two at any time or place in his translation whenever circumstances dictate. The competence of the translator in using any given translation system is important, but the general error is that an incompetent translator may go for false equivalence thereby misconstruing the original message (Kasparek, 1983). For the translation of scripture, a competent translator must fulfil the following conditions: mastery of the source and target languages, being familiar to the subject matter of the source, knowing the relationship and otherwise of both languages, and knowing when to paraphrase and when to metaphrase.
Development of Translation in Islamic Disciplines
Translation of materials into Arabic is said to have expanded after the creation of Arabic scripts in the 5th century C. E. It came into prominence with the advent of Islam when translation of political and diplomatic materials from Persian, Greek, Chinese and Indian languages occurred. Thereafter, translation of classical works followed. Al-Qayrawan, al-Azhar and an- Nizaymiyyah served as centers of translation. Then the translation of Arabic works into Latin and other related European languages followed.
Translation in Islamic history reached its pinnacle during the Abbasid era due to the love for knowledge of other nations most especially the Greek, Roman and Indian philosophies. In this respect, the role of Abu Jafar al- Mansur is significant. Works translated into Arabic language during this time cover the fields of medicine, philosophy, mathematics, astronomy and chemistry (De Bellaigne). According to Abikan (2011), non-Muslim translators of the Qur’an especially Jews and Christians wanted to achieve different objectives. While some were interested in distorting the message, because they had no belief in the Qur’an, others went into translation for mere love for translation but not the text of the Qur’an itself. Muslims also believe in the non-translatability of the Qur’an like the first group based on their belief in Q:17:88.
88. Say: If men and jinn should combine together to bring the like of this Quran, they could not bring the like of it, though some of them were aiders of others.
It is their belief also that the Qur’an would not fulfil its universality according to Q: 4:174 and 3: 138
174. O people! surely there has come to you manifest proof from your Lord and We have sent to you clear light.
except through the translation of its meaning to other languages. The Prophet Muhammad (SAW) was ordered in Q:5:67 to convey the Qur’an to all mankind and this would be impossible without the translation of its meanings.
67. O Messenger! deliver what has been revealed to you from your Lord; and if you do it not, then you have not delivered His message, and Allah will protect you from the people; surely Allah will not guide the unbelieving people.
All these proofs are logical and based on that, they laid down conditions for translating the Qur’an which include proper understanding of the Qur’an, its expressions and methods. Secondly, the translator must have mastered both source and target languages along with their method of expression. The Arabic text must also be attached with the translation of its meaning, while the issue of mastering both source and target languages includes the ability to paraphrase and metaphrase whenever necessary.
The Qur’an and its Translation
It was reported that Salman al-Farisi (the Persian), a companion of the Prophet Muhammad translated the first chapter of the Qur’an into the Persian language (An- Nawawi, nd: 380). Assuming the information being authentic, he might be the first or the second Muslim to have translated the Qur’an into a foreign language as the verbal translation was done by an unknown translator who translated for an-Najashi (Negus), the king of Abyssinia hosted the Muslim emigrants in his palace due to the persecution by Makkans. The first complete translation of the Qur’an into a foreign language is said to have been executed in Sindhi language in 884 C. E. in Alwar Sindhi by the order of Abdullah Ibn Umar Ibn Abdul Azeez on the request of the Hindu Raja Mehruk (Monthly crescent.com).
The Latin translation of the Qur’an was achieved by a group of oriental scholars in the 13th Century led by Robert of Ketton (1110-1160) which was titled: “Lex Muhamet pseudo prophete” which means “Law of Muhammad, the False Prophet” and in 1142 Peter, the venerable persuaded Robert to join a team he formed to translate Arabic works into Latin for evangelical purposes among the Muslims. Thomas E. Burma stated that from 15th century to the present, scholarly opinion has condemned the Quranic translation of Peter and his team as a loose and misleading effort. Juande Segovia said that Robert of Ketton took the work with liberty, as Surah 114 was expanded, explicit items from the Arabic text were often left out and implicit items were added apart from numerous other changes. Ludovico Merracci Hadrian Reland and George Sale also criticized the work and said: the translation in question deserves not the name of translation (Bloom et al, 2002). In the 12th century, Mark Toledo a Spanish physician 1193-1216 who attended Toledo School of Translators also produced one of the earliest translations of the Qur’an into Latin. “.
The History of tafsīr and Translation of the Qur’ān in Nigeria from the Inception till 2000.
At the advent of Islam in Nigeria, a number of scholars migrated to the area to infuse their knowledge of Islam in people. Among those early scholars was Muhammad bin Abdul-Karim al-Maghili who visited Kano and also wrote some books which deal with Qur’anic commentary. The teachings of al-Maghili laid the foundation for the study of tafsīr in those places.
After al-Maghili, local scholars who were well versed in tafsīr also emerged in the field of Islamic scholaship.13 Shaikh Uthman bin Fudi was well versed in tafsīr, though he did not have a written work on the subject. His son, Muhammad Bello was also a tafsīr scholar per excellence like his father, but, he also did not write any tafsīr, except a book on Usūl al-Tafsīr titled: “Ghāyat al-usūl min Tafsīr ar-Rasūl” which contained the analysis given by the Prophet (S.A.W) on some chapter/verses of the Qur’ān and a pedagogical poem on Qur’anic Sciences.14
Muhammad Bello studied tafsīr from its major sources under the tutelage of his father and uncle, Abdullah bin Fudi.
Perhaps the most eminent scholar of tafsīr and Qur’anic sciences Nigeria has ever produced was Abdullah B. Fudi before whom less attention was paid to tafsīr. The general interest of the scholars in the area was the memorization of the texts of the Qur’ān while little attention was paid to acquiring the knowledge of its meaning.
The study of tafsīr seems to have been limited to few scholars and individual students. The reason for this was the hard conditions laid down for those who wished to study it along with the superstitious beliefs held in connection with its study. It was largely believed that only those scholars who had mastered all the branches of learning which are prerequisite for embarking on tafsīr were qualified to interpret the verses of the Qur’ān. On the other hand, it was believed that tafsīr causes drought and disturbance in the society. Thus it should be done in the desert and not in the town and should be handled by elderly people only.15
Abdullah Bin Fudi had special interest in the Qur’ān and its sciences. He embarked upon writing on tafsīr and its science and was able to produce a number of works on them. He wrote six books; three on tafsīr and three on the science of Qur’ān. They include ‘’Miftāh al-Tafsīr, “which is an introduction to tafsīr, Sullāt al-Miftāh” which is a gist of the former, “tafsīr al-Jalīlah” which is on the sciences of the Qur’ān. However, the most important of his work on Tafsīr is Diyāu’ ‘at-Ta’wīl fī macāni al-tanzīl” which is one of the greatest works on tafsīr (produced by the Sokoto scholar.) The work was drawn from different sources.
Another work on tafsīr written by Abdullah bin Fudi is “Kifāyat Ducafā’ as-Sudan” written for those who found the former work difficult.16
These works and others on tafsīr authored by the Sokoto scholars are indications that many works on tafsīr were studied in Hausaland by that time. However, the study of tafsīr and its allied subjects could not have been for the general public but for the scholars and students who had interest in the subject. tafsīr sessions were mostly held during the month of Ramadan and most important tafsīr work studied by scholars is “tafsīr al-Jalālayn”.
Centers of tafsīr increased and Mosques were being used for reading and teaching of tafsīr.
The use of modern devices such as loudspeakers, radio, cassettes, compact disk, hard drive and memory cards enabled large numbers of the society to listen to the explanation of the scholars of the Qur’ān in the local languages. Larger audiences were also reached through the television and radio station.17
In the southern part of Nigeria, the knowledge of tafsīr was not known until sometimes before the arrival of Shaikh Saliu (al-Ᾱlim), as it was reported that by the time he arrived Ilorin the people of Oke-Suna were having half of tafsīr jalalayn with them. It was this Shaikh who brought the second part and taught it to them. The second scholar to appear on the stage was al-Wazīr Muhammed al-Utrukumomi, who arrived in Lagos from al-Azhar and initiated the teaching of tafsīr. This was the second advent of learning of tafsir and the development of Islamic studies in cities like Ilorin, Ibadan and Lagos.18
Because of its importance, tafsīr was taught by scholars to their students that were given in local languages understood by the generality of the people such as Hausa, Kanuri, Fulfude and Yoruba. In many places the whole of the Qur’ān was read and translated during the period of Ramadan. The purpose was to awake the minds of the believers towards their duties to Allah. The audience constitutes all the categories of people in the locality. But the congregations in the Mosque were not seen as a former school or class, so it had not contained rules and regulations guiding the process of disseminating knowledge.19
Methods of oral Tafsir delivery
The method followed by the early scholars in disseminating tafsīr was mainly to read and explain the meaning of the Qur’ān in various languages without giving adequate attention to the lesson contained in it or relating them to the current affairs. There were very few scholars who had reached the level that could enable them deliver tafsīr in a language other than their mother tongues.
This tradition continued until the mid nighteen-seventies when many able scholars emerged in the field of Arabic and Islamic scholarship, teaching and spreading the knowledge of tafsīr amongst the people became famous. Some of them have individually or collectively translated the whole of Qur’ān into their local languages. Prominent among those scholars include late Shaikh Abubakar Mahmud Gumi based in Kaduna, late Shaikh Nasiru Kabara, Shaikh Waziri and doctor Aminudin Abubakar all from Kano, others include Shaikh Abba Haji in Maduguri, Shaikh Tāhir Uthman Bauchi and Shaikh Lawal Abubakar in Kaduna, Shaykh Mallam Uthman in Makurdi and late Shaikh Professor Alliyu Binji from Sokoto.
Scholars from the south include late Shaikh Ahmad al-Rufāi and late Shaikh Murthada Abdulsalam in Ibadan, late Shaikh Muhammed Kamaludeen al-Adabi from Ilorin, late Shaikh Adam Abullah al-Ilori and his student Shaikh Mustapha Sanusi Zuglol in Lagos.20
In some places in south, people were chosen by the emir to carry out tafsīr. In Ilorin for instance, scholars are designated by the emir, each representing its own tribe in carrying out tafsīr. They include Imam Fulani for the Fulfutide speakers, Imam Gambari for the Hausa speakers and Imam Imale for the Yoruba speaking people. The medium of disseminating tafsīr is largely in the Yoruba language as it is the only language generally spoken by the indigenes. Hausa language is only used by the Hausa scholars that settled there, and their audience is normally the Hausas.21
In the eastern part of Nigeria where Islam does not enjoy much followership, very little can be reported on the development of tafsīr in the local languages, English, Igbo, Hausa languages are used by the scholars found in the state capitals of the area. Towns like Warri, Port-Harcourt, Enugu, Anambra, Owerri, have a number of Hausa scholars teaching tafsīr to the Hausa people leaving there.
There is not yet any published work on tafsir in any Nigerian language. The published work that are in circulation are more of translations with little footnotes in them, and some of these works are those of Late Abubakr Gomi in Hausa language, Abubakar Arabbi at Jos also wrote tafsīr juzu acmah, Nasiru Kabaras work on some chapters of the Qur’ān from Suratul-Baqarah. All the aforementioned works were written in Hausa language. The Qur’ān has also attracted the attention of the south western ulama as they have collectively translated a whole of the Qur’ān into Yoruba.
The committees that review this translation constitute Adam Abullah al-Ilori as the secretary. The work which was executed in the early 1980s is no more in circulation. There are other individual efforts in the south western Nigeria. The Ahmadiyyah Jamāat translated the Qur’ān into Yoruba likewise Professor Yasir Qadir of the university of Ilorin also wrote a Yoruba translation of the Qur’ān.22
Qur’anic and Tafsīr Learnig among the Yoruba Muslims
Islamic learning at the early time was found among the group of itinerant mallams who either engaged in tafsīr of the Qur’ān or established Qur’anic schools. The level of scholarship could not be clearly ascertained due to the lack of any record of their writings. Such schools were found in places such as Ilorin, Iseyin, Iwo and Lagos.
The main works of Islamic teachings available to them include: The Qur’ān, the Alifiyah of Ibn Mālik in Arabic Grammar, the Qur’ānic commentary of Jalālayn by Jalālu-Dīn Suyūti and Jalālud-Dīn al-Mahali, the Risālah in Jurisprudence and the book of Zabūr of Dāūd (AS).17
At the elementary stage, the pupils would have to memorize the whole of the Qur’ān in steps. The Ile-Kewu as it was and is still called was not a school for memorization alone, but it was also a propagation of knowledge where young and old pupils acquired simple Islamic instructions and knowledge including the biography of the Prophet and the history of Islām.18
After this elementary level, there were opportunities for further learning in form of studying particular books on certain areas of Islamic studies. At this stage, students had to search for their own teachers, a search that sometimes moved them out of their localities in search of a scholar of repute, therefore they moved from teacher to teacher and town to town.
19 and 20 in the reference
The Secondary level involved the translation of the Qur’ān into Yoruba language and inference of wisdom from its texts. This was supported by the study of allied subjects such as: Arabic Grammar, Tafsīr, Hadīth, Islamic law, Poetry, Tawhīd and other subjects. At this level, students were resigned to travel as far as Bida and Hausaland for the acquisition of knowledge. On their return these scholars set up home based schools for advanced learning of Arabic and Islamic Studies.
21 and 22 in the reference
The most popular and deeply studied subject was the tafsīr of the Qur’ān written by Mahali and Suyūti popularly known as tafsīr Jalālayn and Hadīth syllabus include the Sahīh of Bukhārī and Sahīh of Muslim.23
Other books they read include: Shahādatu ’l-Islām by Muhammad cAbdur-Rahmān Ibn cAbdullah Ibn Abī Bakr Ibn Muhammad Ibn Sālim al-Awjalī; Qawācidu ’l-Islām by al-Qurtubī (d. 1172 C.E) Qawācidus-Salāt by Muhammad Bello; and cIlmu’t-Tawhīd by Abubakr Ibn Muhammad Ibn Abībakr, Arkānu ’l-Islām by Muhammad Ibn Nasir.
In poetry, their syllabus include: Muniyatu ’l-Murīd by Ibn Baba al-cAlawī al-Maghribī; Qasīdatun fī ’l-Madhi by Ahmad Ibn cIsa and Durru’d-Durar fī Madhi Khairi ’l-Bashari by cAli Ibn Muhammad Ibn Husain.
In jurisprudence, they studied: Risālah by Ibn Abī Zaid al-Qairawanī, Makhtasaru’l-Khalīl by Khalīl Ibn Ishāq al-Jundī, al-Ashmāwiyyah; Mubtadī fī bcadi Sharīcah and Jumlatu ’l-Masā’il wa ‘l-Fatāwī by cAli Ibn al-Husain as-Sāmidī. In Arabic Grammar, they studied Mulhtu ’l-Icirāb and Kitābu ’n-Nahw by cAbdullah Ibn Muhammad Ibn Muhammad Ibn Dāūd as-Sinhājī and Shamsu’d-Dīn al-Basrī.
In literature, they studied Maqaāmatu ’l-Harīrī by Abū Muhammad al-Qāsim Ibn cAli al-Harīrī (d.1122 CE). Most of these sources were ordered from Maghrib, Sudan or Kumasi in Ghana, some were also procured from Bornu, Kano and Sokoto. 24
Criteria for the Post of a Traditional Mufassir
In Arabic grammar the prescribed texts by then include Ayā ṭāliba ’l-Icirāb, Matnu ’l-Ajrūmiyyah, Matnu mulhatu ’l-Icirab, Sharhu Qatru ’n-Nadā wa bal Sadā, Sharhu Shuzūru Dhahb, Sharhu Alifiyatu ibn Mālik. In Arabic language and poetry, they study Mukhtasar ibn Duraid, Khamsūna Farīda, Tcalīmu ’l-Mutacallim Tarīqa Tacallumi, Qassdatu Dāliyah, Sabcu Mucalaqāt, Maqāmātu ’l-Harīri, Tuhfatu ’l-Maodūd, al-Burda of Busairi, al-Ishrīniyat and al-Ashriyyah.
In fiqh (Islamic Jurisprudence) their syllabus include: al-Akhdarī by cAbdul Rahmān, al-Ashmāwī by Abdul Barri al-Ashmāwī ar-Rafaiy, al-Inshiyyah, ath-Thamaru ’d-Dāny, Risalatu ’l-Qairawānī by Abū Muhammad cAbdullah ibn Abī Zaid al-Qairawānī, Ashalu ’l-Madāriki by Abū Zaid cAbdul Rahmān, ash-Sharhu ’l-Kabīr by Shaykh ad-Dirdīr, Mukhtasaru Khalīl and Bidāyatu ’l-Mujtahid wa Nihāyatu ’l-Muqtaṣid by ibn Rushd.25
In hadīth, they read Muwatta of Imām Mālik bin Anas, Sahīh of Bukhāri and Sahīh of Muslim. Some of these books are written in Classical and Modern Standard Arabic. However, substantial numbers of these texts are more of Medieval Arabic, which is somehow in difficult expressions that could only be understood through proper supervision of great scholars. A host of it is read at the university level in Arabian and Islamic countries in different Faculties and Departments. It is the mastery of most of these subjects that the study tafsīr of the Qur’ān from the book of Jalālayn of Mahali and Suyūtī could become easy.26
By the time they are exposed to the studying of tafsīr, they are able to do that without tears on their own. There are other groups that do not bother themselves in studying many of the books mentioned above before taking up the study of tafsīr. It is this category of mallams that read the book of Jalālayn along with verbal translation into the local language from their teachers.
To avoid easy forgetfulness, the translation of the meaning of what they have learnt was usually jotted down on one side of their own copy of the book of tafsīr. This is described as (siso tira) which means a way of tying down the meaning of the book or expression. Most of their syllabus in Fiqh, Arabic language and literature were committed to memory. No student would be allowed to read an advanced book on a subject until he has read the one below it.
There were no special schools for the Qur’ānic memorization but due to frequent reading of the Qur’ān, many chapter and verses of the Qur’ān were memorized.
Deep understanding of the knowledge of fiqh is also essential for giving commentary of the Qur’ān; therefore, the Yoruba Muslim Scholars were excelled in the field of jurisprudence. Some of their syllabus in fiqh could only be found at the post graduate level in some of the contemporary Islamic universities. For instance, the book Mukhtasar Khalīl is written in a Medieval Arabic language, which a layman with little amount of Arabic knowledge of that style could not handle. One must have learnt it under a teacher of high reputation and knowledge.
In history, they read the book of Nūru ’l-Yaqīn or its abridgement Khulāsatu ’n-Nūrul Yaqīn which is an elaborated biography of the Prophet (S.A.W).27
It is pertinent to state here that not all of the scholars were able to read all the books mentioned above except for those who started the searching for knowledge at the early age. Others continue to read those books under other teachers after they have also established themselves as scholars.
During the time of learning tafsīr apart from reading it under their teacher in the regular lectures, another avenue is in Ramadān when students accompany their teachers to the tafsīr session, during which he acts as Ajanasi or Arowasi for the teacher. At another time he could attend the tafsīr sessions of other scholars.
Sources of tafsīr in Yorubaland
The sources of tafsīr in Yorubaland are mainly three; the book of Jalālayn which is considered as the basic and wide spread work of tafsīr read by the Muslim scholars in their tafsīr session virtually everywhere in Yorubaland.
Tanwīru l-Miqbās min tafsīr Ibn cAbbās is a work on tafsīr attributed to cAbdullah ibn cAbbās, a famous companion of the Prophet and the head of the Makkan School of tafsīr. This book is considered as tafsīr bi ’l-ma’thūr. It agrees that the commentary of a companion on a verse of the Qur’ān be considered as such for the virtue of receiving knowledge from the Prophet (S.A.W.) and the clearance given to the companions by the Prophet.
It is to this work that the Yoruba scholars refer when they say that Ibn cAbbās has said, and they relate the meaning of the verse concerning the exposition of a verse of the Qur’ān.
Another work of tafsīr to which they refer is the tafsīru ’l-Qur’āni ’l-Azīm of Ibn Kathīr. The book of Ibn Kathἷr ranked second to the work of Tabarī in the field of tafsīr. It is a combination of tafsīr bi ’l-Ma’thūr and tafsīr bi ’r-R’ay. Sometimes he would cite many reports on the exposition of a verse.28
The author would bring a verse or verses of the same topic, and then he would give the meaning of some words or expression. If there is any report from the Hadἷth concerning the explanation of the verse, he cites it. He would give the meaning or exposition of the verse attributing it to Ibn cAbbās.
As for the book of Tafsīr Jalālayn, the book has many versions, the one used mostly by the Yoruba scholars are; the one that contain the commentary of Ṣāwī on the commentary of the authors of Jalālayn. This version gives the detail of some of the stories mentioned in the Qur’ān, and also it cites reports on the exposition of verses and reasons for revelation. However, the author of the hāshiyah Sawi does not explain the strength or weakness of the Hadἷth so used.
The other type that is widely used as well is the one that contains other four works of tafsīr: (1) Lubābu ’n-Nuqūl fī Asbābi ’n-Nuzūl of Jalāludin as-Suyūti (2) Fī macrifati ’n-Nāsika wa ’l-Mansūkh of Imām Abī cAbdullah Muhammad bin Hazm. (3) Alifiyatu ’l-Imām Abī Zurcah al-cIrāqī fī Tafsīr Gharībi Alfāzil-Qur’ān. (4) Risalatuu Jalīlatun fī ma warada fi ’l-Qur’āni ’l-karīm min Lughāti ’l-Qabāil of Imām Abi ’l-Qāsim bin Salām.
Whenever the scholars in their tafsīr session mention reasons for the revelation of verses of the Qur’ān, they either refer to the Hāshiyatu Ṣāwἷ on Jalālayn or the work of Suyūtἷ mentioned above. Whenever they mention the issue of abrogating and abrogated verses of the Qur’an or philological exposition, their main reference is the work of Abἷ Zurcah al-cIrāqἷ or the work of Abi ’l-Qāsim Ibn Salām cited above.29
It could be concluded here that their approach in tafsīr is a combination of tafsīr bi’l-ma’thūr and tafsīr bir’r-R’ay, which in addition embraces the philological tafsīr. Their references to the reason(s) for revelation, explanation of abrogating and abrogated verses as well as detail report of the stories in the Qur’ān are also done in this manner. We do not however, conclude that the approach mentioned here is generally applied as there are others that concentrate on reading the contents of the book of Jalālayn only. Hence, in addition to what they must have learnt through personal efforts and base on their linguistic dexterity as well as what they heard from scholars concerning the detail of stories in the Qur’ān and reasons for revelation.
The Mufassir also makes reference to other works such as al-Kash-shāf can Haqāiqi ’t-Tanzīl wa cUyūni ’l-Aqāwīl of Jārullah Muhammad Ibn cUmar az-Zamakhshari, al-Jāmicu li Ahkāmi ’l-Qur’ān of Qurtubī and Jāmicu l-Bayān fī Ta’wīl ’l-Qur’ān of Ibn Jarīr at-Tabarī.
Translation of the Qur’ān into Yoruba
One may categorically say that the traditional tafsīr sessions were the first avenue by which the Qur’ān was translated into Yoruba by the Yoruba Muslim scholars, though there were individual and collective efforts through which it was also translated afterwards.
According to Ogunbiyi 2001, the first complete translation of the Qur’ān appeared in 1965 written by E. K. Akinlade titled: Itumo Al-Kurani l’Ede Yoruba, published by Brotherhood publication syndicate. 70, Sipeolu Street, Yaba, Lagos. This translation was followed by Al-Kurani Ti A Tumo Si Ede Yoruba, translated by the committee of Yoruba Muslim scholars, sponsored by the World Muslim League and published by al-Dar al-Arabiyya, 1972. Then the translation of the Ahmadiyyah Misssion in Islām,45, Idumagbo Avenue, Lagos Nigeria titled: Al-Kurani Mimo Ni Ede Yoruba Ati Larubawa, means: (the Holy Qur’ān in Yoruba and Arabic Language) 1976. Then Al-Kurani Alaponle: Itumo Si Ede Yoruba, by Y. A. Quadri, translated in 1996.31
In addition to these translations, M.A. Abikan 2011 also mentioned the translation of M. S. Cole that appeared in 1924 and published by the Christian Association of Nigeria Lagos. Then the translation of Alhaji Usāma from Iwo town in Osun State, Nigeria followed. Abikan also cited the translation of Abdul Qādir Ade Bello from Ibadan, which was published by Adenrele Publication in 1964 in two volumes added with the Arabic text.
Abikan also mentioned the author of this article who has translated the Qur’ān into Yoruba language on two occasions and in an audio recorded forms. There are other efforts to render the Qur’ān into the Yoruba but not in a complete as mentioned here.32
The problems of most of these translation and the translations of the Qur’ān elsewhere in the view of this researcher are almost the same, these include the issue of audience and the ability or qualification of the translators. When we consider the qualification of the translators we found out that those that are not Muslims are not initially qualify based on the aims and objectives. What could we considered as objectives of a non Muslim here. Secondly most of the translators of the Qur’ān into other languages Yoruba inclusive are not experts in the both Languages the source which is Arabic and the target Language. Most of the time they rely on the target language which is their mother tongue. Ogunbiyi 2001 is of the view that some of the non-Muslim translators of the Qur’ān into Yoruba relied on the English translation of the Qur’ān in their possessions perhaps the translation of the Europeans who might have rely on another translation and so on. This type of translation is at least not reliable as it leads to transfer of error.
The issue of audience is also paramount, it has been discovered that the translation of the Qur’ān into Yoruba has failed to achieve some of its objectives solely because the translators failed to study their audience. For instance an average elite and literate Yoruba person does not like to read anything written in the language especially if such thing could be found in other languages such as English, French or Arabic. It has been observed that most of those who possess the Yoruba translation of the Qur’ān do not even read it. First because of the lack of reading culture and secondly due the difficulty in which they found to read a serious religious book like the Qur’ān, though they read simple story books written in the language.
In addition, the majority of the Yoruba Muslims are illiterate therefore they could not have access to the Yoruba translation of the Qur’ān. The few that are literate enough to read have no time.
Conclusion
The study of tafsīr of the Qur’ān in Nigeria stated as a pure Islamic science and it took a gradual step towards development.
Today, hardly can we find a mosque in any major city of Nigeria without Mufassir who hold the tafsīr sessions especially in the month of Ramadan. Few years ago tafsīr was introduce into the Islamic studies curriculum of the post secondary school likewise, the ilmi schools take much interest in the quranic science including tafsīr.
Translations of the Qur’ān are also done by various groups and individuals in the country. But the last half of the 19th century witnessed less interest in scholastic works on tafsīr, it is therefore the duty of the contemporary scholars of Islam to take up the challenge of expounding the Quran in a way that would make it more understood by the modern generation of Muslim scholars and make it study attractive to people.
The inability to know the beginning of tafsīr session in many places in Yorubaland is due to the non-availability of written records as most of the information available is based on oral narrations except in places such as Ibadan and Ilorin where the records of the past scholars and their religious activities are well kept. In places where the advent of Islam is a recent occurrence, such as Epe, Lagos Island, and Badagry in Lagos state, the records regarding administration of the mosque generally and the tafsīr delivery could be obtained mostly in oral form.
The case of places such as Owo and Ikere-Ekiti in terms of the recording of information is an exception though; the advent of Islām is a new occurrence in those places.
The early scholars of Islām in Yorubaland were well versed in the knowledge of Arabic language, which enabled them to read and understand various books of tafsīr. The knowledge of Arabic language was sought by them purposely to understand Islām and the Qur’ān. They studied subjects such as Hadīth and tafsīr for purpose of understanding and propagating of Islām.
The approach to tafsīr of the Qur’ān in Yorubaland is considered as a mixture of both tafsīr bi ’l-ma’thur such as commentary by the means of tradition and tafsīr bi ’r-R’ay commentary by the means of personal opinion based on the method and the sources involved.
This has also been dictated by the aims and objectives of these tafsīr sessions, which include solving of the temporal and religious problems arising in their immediate environment, enlightening and uplifting of the Muslim community both spiritually and morally.
The impact of the tafsīr session in Yorubaland is felt among the Muslims in many areas which include promotion of unity and love, enhancement of Islamic awareness, realization of individual Muslim’s duties at the family and societal levels, encouragement for further study of the Qur’ān, avenue for charity disbursement and disseminating knowledge through participating Imams.
Methods should be invented by which the Yoruba translation of the Qur’ān would be written in a simple and attractive language to the contemporary Yoruba People. It is therefore recommended that Yoruba Muslim should form a body that would study the new approach to convey the meaning of the Qur’ān to the Yoruba people. Yoruba Muslim should endeavour to promote the teaching of the language in all the levels of education including the local Madāris (Arabic schools).
The authors in Islamic disciplines should also produce Islamic literature in the local language. Yoruba medium schools of Arabic and Islamic Studies for adults should also be organized.
REFERENCES
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- Ibid: p 176
- Al-qattam M: Mabāhithun fī cUlūm al- Qur’ān, Riyād, Maktab al-Mārif (2000) p. 15
- Ibid: p 16
- Adh-dhahabi, M.H, At-Tafsīr wal-Mufassirūn, Cairo, Muktab Mukhtar, 2003, p. 13
- Mabāhithun fī Ulūm aI- Qur’ān, Riyād, Maktab al-Macārif, p. 334-335
- Al-sayūti: al-Itqān, Vol.2 p.184
- Mubāhithun fī cUlum al- Qur’ān p.335
- Adh-Dhahabi: M.H., al-Tafsīr wal Mufasirūn, Vol. 1 p. 17
- Ibid p. 21
- Ibid p.19-22
- Ibid p. 23-33
- National Teachers Institute, Islamic Religious Studies, Kaduna, NTI Publication, 1996. P.90
- Ibid.90
- Ibid.91
- Ibid.92
- Ibid.93
- Abubakar Imam Ibrahim: “al-Alāmah, al-Wasīr al-Utukumami wa atharuhu fi Bilad Yoruba wa Nupe”: NATAIS Vol. 8, Sep (2005) p. 110-121
- Islamic Religious Studies, NTI Kaduna, (1996) p.81
- Ibid p.82
- Ibid p.82
- Ibid p.82
23. Gbadamọsi T.G.O., The Growth of Islām, pp. 35-36
24. Ibid. p. 26
25. Ibid. pp. 26-27
26. Ibid. p. 38
27. T.G.O. Gbadamọsi made distinction between Abūbakr Ibn Qāsim Alaga and Ọmọ Alaga,
and said: Abūbakr Ibn Qāsim and Ọmọ Alaga. This is a mistake, the two names are
meant for only one person, See: The Growth of Islām among Yoruba…p. 100
28. Ibid. pp. 99-100
29. Ibid. Pp100-101
30. Ibid. p.103
31. Ogunbiyi I.A., (2001) Arabic-Yoruba Translation of the Qur’an. A Socio-Linguistic
Perspective, Journal of Islamic Studies, vol. lll issue 1, Center of Islamic
Studies, School of Oriental and African Studies. University of London
32. Abikan M.A., (2011) Taclīmu ‘l-Qur’ān wa tarjumatu macānīhi fī Naijiriya, Majallatu ‘d-Dirāsāti ‘l-Islāmiyyah, p. 167, Majmac ‘l-Bahthi ‘l-Islāmiyyah, International Islamic University, Islamabad, Pakistan